Why Does Gender Inequality Prevent Progress towards Peace in Sri Lanka?

Why Does Gender Inequality Prevent Progress towards Peace in Sri Lanka?

Analyzing Azar’s Model of Protracted Social Conflict

 

 Saman Gunathilaka

University for Peace, International Peace Studies Dual Campus Program

February 15, 2008

 

 

Why Does Gender Inequality Prevent Progress towards Peace in Sri Lanka?

Analyzing Azar’s Model of Protracted Social Conflict

Introduction

In the 21^st Century, many governments and organization are mainly concerned with gender perspective for peace-building activities. Gender imbalance and inequality in past and present societies provide much evidence to the creation of various social conflicts. The gender discrimination in the Sri Lankan postcolonial period influenced social conflict. In this situation, the power imbalance and deprivation of the Sri Lankan civilians led to many people violating the rights of women in order to gain power and opportunities. From a gender perspective, there is a general realization that women’s rights are being infringed upon. This paper examines the following gender related questions in order to explore the social structure in Sri Lanka:  What kind of gender violence and discrimination exist in Sri Lanka? Why does that gender discrimination affect building for peace in Sri Lanka? How can we theoretically analyze the gender discrimination? and often recommendations for conflict transformation and management. The answer to the above issues, as they relate to the Sri Lankan social structure, can be understood through Edward Azar’s theory of Protracted Social Conflict (PSC).  More specifically, Azar’s PSC theory contributes to explain the Sri Lankan social structure which prevented gender balance. The analysis concludes by summarizing the most crucial findings.

Definitions of Azar’s Model of PSC

According to Azar, a Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) is described as “…the prolonged and often violent struggle by communal groups for such basic needs as security, recognition and acceptance, fair access to political institutions and economic participation” (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2005, p. 84). Azar also defined the following clusters of variables as preconditions for PSCs. These are the communal content of a society, deprivation of human needs, governance and the state’s role and international linkages.

Azar considered the communal content of a society the most important source of a PSC. He linked the conflict history and the colonial period where community groups are directly influenced by the colonial policy of divide and rule. In the post-colonial period, many multiethnic societies appeared which are dominated by a single communal group. This communal group ignored the needs of other communal groups, thus, breeding fragmentation and protracted social conflict.

In terms of deprivation of human needs, Azar mentioned that all individuals aim at fulfilling their needs through their collective identity group. Needs deprivation leads to increasing grievances, which individuals express collectively. He particularly referred to security needs, development needs, political access needs, and identity needs (religious and cultural expression).

Azar noted governance and the state’s role as the significant cause in the satisfaction or frustration of individual and identity groups needs.  Four characteristics: incompetent, parochial, fragile and authoritarian, influence the protracted social conflict according to the unsatisfied basic human needs. The unsatisfied social groups are frustrated and feel marginalized and excluded from the social, economic and political participation. The political authority of newer and less stable states limited the policy capacity and political access needs of the dominant community – at the expense of all other identity groups. This monopolization of power of the dominant community results in “crises of legitimacy” as the state is not able to meet the political participation needs of the public. 

At the same time, most PSCs are increasingly dependent on international linkages; that is, the state is shaped by economic and military dependency.

 

Definition of Gender

The report of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) noted that gender involves “The roles and responsibilities of men and women and the relationship between them. Gender does not simply refer to women or men, but to the way their qualities, behaviors and identities are determined through the process of socialization” (2003, p. 8). The biological differences of men and women can be critically used to discriminate women’s rights in a patriarchal society. Men are key players of decision making processes because they are physically stronger. Women always dominate on their feminine characteristics. Also, sex differences have been used to justify reasons women were unable to positively intervene in peace processed in past decades. Strickland and Duvvury (2003) explained,

Despite cultural variations, there is a consistent difference between women’s and men’s gender roles based on power, e.g., access to productive resources and ability to exercise decision making authority. The power imbalance that defines gender relations influences women’s access to and control over resources, their visibility and participation in social and political affairs, and their ability to realize their fundamental human rights (p. 5).

Analyzing Gender inequality in Sri Lanka

Azar’s four clusters, communal content of a society, human needs, state’s role and international linkages are taken as analytical indicators to the study of gender in Sri Lanka. The analytical focus is on the gender-sensitivity of Azar’s clusters. That is, how each cluster is open to discuss gender and what gender-sensitive perspectives of all four clusters might look like?

Communal Content of a Society

The first cluster, the communal content of a society, refers to the colonial period, where community groups are blamed by historical challenges and colonial legacy of divide and rule. As a consequence, in the post-colonial period a single communal group or a coalition of groups emerged and dominated in many multiethnic societies.

In the British colonial period (1796-1948), there were two major changes that influenced the discrimination in Sri Lankan gender rights. First, the British introduced a new rule for land rights and second, they changed the laws concerning marriage, divorce and heritages.

According to the British new land law, the native and local population became a landless community. Many paddy lands were owned by Sinhalese and Tamil female in the Sri Lankan society before British colonialism. Also, the British introduced marriage laws to attain land properties. This rule helped to indirectly turn the ownership of land properties to male parties. As a result, women’s access to inherited land was dramatically restricted and women’s economic position and status was weakened.

Deprivation of Human Needs

According to Azar, the frustration and grievance will be increased by individual’s needs collection. This applies to the Sri Lankan society because female frustration can be seen quite often as a result of denial of needs by males. The security needs, development needs, political access needs and identity needs of women are discriminated in the Sri Lankan society. I discuss below each women’s needs which caused gender imbalance and inequality in the Sri Lankan society.

Security Needs

Although, different types of gender based violence and discriminations are occurred in Sri Lanka, these are difficult to discover due to high levels of underreporting and lack of documentation by the police and other stakeholders. Some of the most common forms are domestic violence, rape, psychological abuse, incest and sexual harassment (UNHCR, 2006, p. 17). Sri Lankan women are typically bound by social and cultural norms. Therefore, if husbands abuse or rape them, they accept this as a part of their marriage life. Cultural norms keep family problems within the family.

The number of households headed by women has been increased gradually in the Northern and Eastern part, as well as Southern part of Sri Lanka under the ethnic conflict situation. Their vulnerability makes them an easy prey to acts of abuse. Also, the social and cultural norms are often used to discriminate women’s rights and opportunity. For example, second marriage of widows or widowers is not accepted by cultural and social norms even it is legally accepted. This situation perhaps dooms them to loneliness forever. According to the Department of Census and Statistics (n.d.), “the majority of the household heads are widows and their educational level is comparatively lower than that of male heads” (p. 14). The less education qualification causes them to receive less job opportunity as well as financial dissatisfaction, and poor family lives. 

Development Needs:

In Sri Lanka both men and women have equal access to free education from primary to tertiary under the national welfare system. Therefore, literacy rates of men and women are almost the same and the gap is decreasing over time. According to the Department of Census and Statistics (n.d.), “In 2001, male literacy rate was 92 percent while female rate was 89 percent” (p. 6). Further, the same author noted that the literacy rate of women in the rural sector and estate sector are lower compared to the women in urban sector (p. 6).  Their comparatively greater mobility allow urban women to go to school, while the rural and estate women face various cultural and economic difficulties that obstruct their completion of the required schooling. Indian Tamil women work in plantations at an early stage in life. In general, Indian Tamil women in the estate sector have lower educational levels, literacy rates, health status and life expectancy than women elsewhere in the country.

Most women work in low-paying, low-skilled jobs and unemployment rate for women is higher than that of men. The women participation in the high skill and managerial sector is rare. The Department of Census and Statistics (n.d.) noted, 

Women have entered the labour force slowly, but has shown a continuous growth lover the years… labour force participation rate for women which stood at 20.0 in 1963, has risen to 31.4 by 2003, reflecting a growth of over 50% within a time span of four decades (p. 8).

The same report mentioned that the unemployment rate of the men and women are 33 percent and 69 percent in 2003 respectively. Also, the highest rate of unemployment is found among women who have higher educational qualifications. In 2000, 61 percent of women with educational qualifications between grade 0-10 were employed while only 16 percent of women who have reached General Certificate of Education (GCE) Ordinary Level. Majority are employed either as semi-skilled or unskilled workers (p. 8).

Political Access Needs

In regards to political opportunities, the Sri Lankan women have the right to vote. In fact, a number of Sri Lankan women have been elected to positions of power in the country. Some have even managed to win the highest seats in government. However, the political participation of women is quite low in comparing it to the overall women’s population. There were only 12 members out of 225 elected for Parliament in the year 2000. Also, in 2000, out of a total of 379 representatives in the Provincial Council (PC), only 15 were women (4 %). The percentages of women in the Urban Council (UC) and Municipal Councils (MC) were even lower at 1 percent and 2 percent, respectively. There were three women elected as Mayors. These were in the provinces of Kandy, Jaffna, and Nuwara-Eliya (UNECAP, n.d., p. 15).  According to the PAFFREL and CMEV (2004),

One of the most serious problems in contemporary Sri Lankan politics is the shortage of women engaged in the political system. Though 52 percent of the population is female, the percentage of women in political office remains at 1.9 percent of all local and national government offices (p. 10).

State’s Role

According to Azar, the state’s role and state governance are important factors in satisfying or frustrating individual and identity group needs. In PSCs the monopolization of power by the dominant social group limits the state’s ability to meet the needs of all social groups. The role of state was transferred to the private sphere – to Sinhala families. These families were key players of all the control in political and economic organizations. There are two family related political parties in Sri Lanka: United National Party (UNP) and Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) which governed the country in 1948 to present (post-colonial period). These two parties applied their individual ideologies into the state body and dominated other’s opportunities such as access to political participation, and decision-making processes. The male members of these families represented the role of party leader.  One exception can be made in the case of Chandrika Bandaranayike and her mother.

International Linkage

International linkages crucially affect gender discrimination in Sri Lanka. This discrimination emerges from labour immigrants/migrant workers and the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) or Free Trade Zones (FTZs). I will take a closer look at both examples starting off with labour immigration.

The migration rate of Sri Lankan women is considerably increased in the last decade. They worked mainly in the garment industries and as housemaids of the Middle East, East Asian and European countries. Most leave due to a high unemployment rate in Sri Lanka and relatively higher wages outside Sri Lanka. These women are often subjected to violence, and to appalling working and living conditions. The Centre for Women’s Research estimates that around 10 percent of the approximately 500,000 female migrant workers from Sri Lanka have been victims of some form of physical, psychological or sexual abuse (OMCT, 2002, p. 13).

Most of the women who have lower education particularly work within the garment industry in Sri Lanka’s Export Processing Zones (EPZs) where over 80 percent of the workers are women. Many of them are employed in the informal sector, where hours of work, wage rate, and work environment are largely unregulated. Women and girls working in the EPZs are also often subjected to sexual violence in the workplace and there have been reports that many of these women workers have subsequently been forced into prostitution either in brothels in Colombo or in the tourist centres in the coastal area (OMCT, 2002, p. 12).

Gender equality and Peacebuilding

The cultural norms, women marginalization, lack of political participation, lack of involvement of the decision making process, less economic opportunity, power sharing between men and women are critically affected for building positive peace in Sri Lanka. To achieve and maintain peace requires the participation and involvement of both male and female regardless of their class, age, race and ethnicity in the process of peacebuilding. Gender equality requires us to consider and value different aspirations, concerns and needs of women and men fully participating in social/cultural, economic and political spheres.  This helps promote a democratic and peaceful society. Kebede (2005) described that “In talking about gender and peace it is critical to address the issue of unequal power relation and participation in decision-making between women and men, which are amongst the structural causes of social and political instability…” (p. 74). Therefore, the law and regulation need to be made strong to prevent the discriminations against women in the privet and public sector, while promoting women rights and their equality at different levels. In order promote these rights, participation of government, non government and privets sectors are very important.   Thus, in order to achieve a peaceful and democratic society in Sri Lanka, gender equality and equal political participation need to be institutionalized in all sectors of the society. 

Conclusion

The study tries to understand gender discrimination and vulnerability in analyzing social construction, social change and historical hierarchical power structures through Azar’s model of PSCs. In terms of identity as a social construction, it becomes clear that Azar has a fixed idea of identity and human needs. While this has been helpful in understanding the conflict in Sri Lanka, it could also be argued that Azar’s four clusters ignore the following underlying gender-specifics of PSCs: increasing domestic violence, gender specific needs, grievances and gender related interests and the changing of labour.  This posed some difficulty in analyzing factors of gender discrimination.  However, the analysis showed how Azar’s work recommends some gender-sensitive entry points to conflict analysis and conflict resolution.

Also, Azar’s model of PSCs helped to open up the social structure, gender discrimination and inequality situation in Sri Lanka. The role of needs, injustice and fears and identity of the parties and state-based approaches to conflict resolution play an important role most of social conflicts. According to Azar, the historical approach is a vital issue to the analysis, understanding and explanation of any social conflict. This approach provided a framework to understand the discrimination against women in the colonialism period and how the domination continues into the modern era. Azar’s four clusters help facilitate our understanding about gender as part of a hierarchical and hidden power structure.

 

 

 

 

References

Department of Census and Statistics. (n.d.). Social condition in Sri Lanka. Retrieved

February 10, 2008, from

http://www.statistics.gov.lk/social/social%20conditions.pdf

Kebede, E. (2005, September). Gender, peace and international law. D. Rodriguez (Ed.),

Gender and Peace building in Africa (pp. 73 -86). University for Peace: Costa Rica.

People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) & Centre for Monitoring Election

Violence (CMEV). (2004, November). From dialogue to action: Recommendations

and strategies for electoral reform in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Sri Lanka.

Ramsbotham, O., Woodhouse, T., & Miall, H. (2005). Contemporary conflict resolution:

Second edition. Cambridge: UK.  

Strickland, R., & Duvvury, N. (2003). Gender equity and peacebuilding: From rhetoric to

reality: Finding the way. Retrieved February 11, 2008 from

http://www.icrw.org/docs/gender_peace_report_0303.pdf

The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). (2002, November). Violence against

women in Sri Lanka. Retrieved February 10, 2008, from

http://www.omct.org/pdf/VAW/SriLankaEng2002.pdf

United Nation Development Programme (UNDP). (2003, February). Mainstreaming gender

in water management. Retrieved February 10, 2008, from

http://www.undp.org/water/docs/resource_guide.pdf

United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP).

(n.d.). State of women in urban local government Sri Lanka. Retrieved February 10,

2008, from http://http://www.unescap.org/huset/women/reports/sri_lanka.pdf

United Nations High Commission for Refugee (UNHCR). (2006, May). 2006 Work plan and

supporting documents. Retrieved February 11, 2008, from

http://www.unhcr.lk/protection/docs/IDP-working-group-2006workplan.pdf

 

Identity Resistances against State Policy in Mindanao, the Philippines: A communicative Political Structure’s Method in Managing a Vertical Resistance

Identity Resistances against State Policy in Mindanao, the Philippines:

A communicative Political Structure’s Method in Managing a Vertical Resistance

 

Novri Susan

Sociology Department Airlangga University

2008

 

Identity Resistances against State’s Policy in the Philippines

Why do identity resistances often occur against state’s policies? In a specific case such a policy of the Philippines government that aims to integrate Mindanao people into the larger culture of the Philippines is a prominent case in Southeast Asia. The policy has been perceived as a threat by Mindanao community which it is threatening their social existence; their beliefs, norms, and values. As in the historical facts, identity groups in Mindanao do not feel secure, and they are forced to resist for defending their existence. In the late 1960s, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was declared by Nur Misuari in Mindanao to resist the Philippines government. Quevedo (2003) mentioned that there are three main injustices policies in the Philippines to Bangsa Moro namely ‘Injustice to the Moro Identity’, ‘Injustice to Moro Political Sovereignty’, and ‘Injustice to Moro Integral Development’.

Historically, the resistance movement in Mindanao by Moro people has been begun since the treaty agreement between Spain and America in 1898. Spain gave all their territory to America including Mindanao and Sulu. The people in these two regions did not accept with the treaty since they are never colonized by Spain. In 1913 US got success in bringing Mindanao and Sulu in to their colony of the Philippines. This annexation then was followed by creating many policies designed to assimilate Muslim Filipino to the majority Christian Filipino society. In spite of the success the policies, resistance movement by involving armed actions by different Muslim Filipino groups kept growing from time to time throughout American colonial rule until the Philippines got its independence (Madale&Medina, 2004, p. 2).

Injustice facts are related to the content of state’s policies to Mindanao society, however this paper will not come to content of policy. This paper is going reveal how the political structures of the Philippines government work for making any policies, and how this process has ignored a local belief and concept of the society. For analyzing this topic, mainly the writer will use two models; Lederach’s leadership triangle model in explaining how a political involvement in decision making process. (1997). Galtung’ triangle (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall, 2005, p. 10) in explaining how conflict occur at three stages process also will be used to look at the emergence of resistance movement in Mindanao.

An Oppressive Political Structure and Top-Down Policy of the State

In a modern concept, a policy is a result of state political structures in realizing social, economic, and political goals. Most of states with vary political systems in this world claim that a social policy they made is aimed to serve and to realize a prosperity. However, in many cases a social policy such as education, transmigration, and amalgamation is a product of an oppressive political structure.[1] The Philippines government policy about migration by sending people from Luzon and the Visayas to Mindanao is also a product of political structure. This policy aims to fulfill state’s goal rather than the society’s need.

According to May that this migration policy is to promote the increase of northern lowlands cultures, and to decrease the threat of Moro (and also lumad ) rebellion. In fact, however, in the beginning of 1970s the policy rapidly inmigration had resulted a situation in which inmigrant settlers were repeatedly disputing with Muslim and lumad landowners, the political machines of growing in-migrant (Christian) clans were disturbing on the territories of local Muslim leaders, and adversary gangs of local elites and warlords were coming into increasingly violent conflicts. Local Muslim in Mindanao perceived that policy is the part of an oppressive political structure of a state that does not recognize their needs.

May testified that the founder of MNLF and his followers perceived that the political structure of the Philippines does not give any advantages for their needs (2003, pp. 1-2). In this case, state’s political structure that makes a policy does not create a deliberative process for catching up people’s feeling about their needs.

This is a fact that an oppressive political structure still exist in many countries such in the Philippines in creating a policy, even in a country that claims them selves as a democratic state. In some ways, a state political structure is representing the interests of dominant elites group. This political machine serves a partial interest of the state which never involves the society in making a policy. In this political fact, such the case of migration policy in the Philippines is not compatible with the society’s needs. The policy is perceived as a threat from the state. This political fact often bears a conflict between state and its people by involving violent actions. In a case of profound resistance, identity groups create a militia to resist their government as MNLF/MILF resistance in Mindanao. Then a war can not be evaded in which women and children always become the main sufferers.       

Identity Resistance as a Behavior

In Lederach approach of decision making process, he divided three level of ranges decision making namely top leadership, middle range leadership, and grass root leaderships, which each decision will affect to each population effectively (1997, p. 39). However in order to interpret this triangle, the understanding of Lederach’s approach in creating a peace building theory is a first essential step. Lederach in his book Preparing for Peace (1995, p. 7) committed to a social construction and phenomenology theory in creating peace which this theory is concern on knowledge and reality.[2] Social construction is a theory with its interest is to bridge an inter-subjective of multi realities in a society. This proposition means each knowledge as a set of concept that creates a reality of one community will meet the others knowledge.

A policy as a product state political structure in Lederach’s triangle can be understood as a reality that contains a set of concept of the government about good things or bad things in social life. According to Habermas, the incompatibility of a social policy and people’s concept may take place when there is no ‘dialectic of reason’ between government’s will and society’s potential (Vitale, 2006, p. 742). This fact occurs since a state does not provide a political structure that institutionalizes a deliberative process between state and people. In an authoritarian regime all policy is made strictly by the state and transformed to its people by using power.[3] A state creates an oppressive political structure which all communication is based on domination.

When a political structure does not involve the society in making any policies, their policy often become a new reality for the targeted policy. This policy, then, is not compatible with the set of concept of the society about what reality should be practiced. As in Galtung’s triangle conflict model (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall, 2005, p. 10), the migration policy as a structural product of the state such in the Philippines is brought to the society. This policy is seen as a government’s behavior by the society which the set of concept of the society evaluate this behavior (reality) is not compatible with their concept about needs. The establishment of MNLF and its army wing at the beginning of 1968 in Mindanao by Datu Udtog Matalam is the society’s response at the social level. The behavior of this social response, then, is a resistance movement by involving an armed resistance.

MNLF resistance against the Philippines basically is a process to struggle their basic needs as in the set of concept of Mindanao’s people. The human basic needs as John Burton mentioned such as security, recognition, and identity (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall, 2005, p. 45) is defined subjectively and taken from the set of concept by the conflicting parties. Following this theory, MNLF resistance is a behavior that showing the needs to the state through rebellion since there is no room for them to communicate their aspiration. There is no a communicative political structure of the state in order to involve the society in making any policies that relates to their lives.

An Involvement in Decision Making Process: Peace Agreement in 1996

Opposite to an oppressive political structure, a state may create a communicative political structure that facilitates a government’s will with the people’s potential in an equal dialogue. If an oppressive political structure creates a communication through a domination relation, a communicative political structure creates a communication through a moral relation. A moral relation is able to make ‘dialectic of reason’ in a deliberative process in which parties develop their reason of ideal policies. In this communicative political structure a flexibility of negotiation[4] may be developed together since the actors morally want to understand to each other. An inter-subjective reality between state and people is likely achieved in this process.

A state policy that is created from a communicative political structure will be able to manage a vertical conflict without an oppression and strength. The groups who are involved in creating a social policy as an inter-subjective reality will join in maintaining its implementation. The government will get a strong support from an acceptance behavior. However according to Habermas this process only possible exist in a participatory democracy system that a state and society are involved in a democratic decision making process (Vitale, 2006, p. 750).

The full peace agreement in 1996 between the Philippines government and MNLF leaders is a political fact that shows how a deliberative process in a communicative political structure results an ‘inter-subjective reality’. The peace agreement as a policy, in this case, is a product of deliberative process which each party has tried to understand each other. This policy is representing a mutual need of Mindanao people and the government. This policy, then, built a communicative political structure that mainly aims to deliberate any policies by involving all communities. As May mentioned that 1996 agreement established some political agencies, as the part of state’s structure, such as a Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD) and a Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD) (2002, p. 3).

However, the agreement did not involve another identity group such MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front) in the negotiation process (May, 2002, p. 7). This fact then becomes a significant political point by which this identity group does not perceive that agreement as their reality. This resistance was responded by Estrada through “all-out war” by which the violent conflict is protracted in a retaliatory cycle. After replacing Estrada, Arroyo has been developing a communicative process through engaging some political dialogues (Timberman, 2001, n.p.). This negotiation process is still walking for finding the mutual understanding. This communicative political structure results some cease fire agreement in which both the government and MILF is in an effort to resolve the conflict through a political negotiation.

Conclusion

A state with a communicative political structure will not face a high level of resistance from their people since this state is able to create a dialog for making any policies that are compatible with the people’s concept. A communicative structure of a state will catch people needs through a deliberative process with using any political institutions in a different level.[5] A social policy, then, is a result of deliberative process between state and its people. However, in order for a state to create a communicative structure is not a simple way. It always requires a good political will and an awareness of relative truth from the state.

This paper has revealed how a political structure of a state is an important issue in managing any types of vertical conflict. In the case of identity resistance in the Philippines as this paper has explored, there is a fact that shows how an oppressive political structure creates a policy which is incompatible with the society’s needs. In fact, the communicative political structure in which the government and the society do a dialogue equally will create a mutual understanding. It means when a policy is a form of an inter-subjective reality between the government and the society there is a high possibility of reducing the level of resistances.

Bibliography

Arendt, Hannah. (1970). On violence. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World.

Berger, L& Luckmann, T. (1966). A social construction of reality: A treatise about sociology of knowledge. New York: Anchor Books.

Lederach, J.P. (1995). Preparing for peace: Conflict transformation across cultures. Washington DC: United State Institute of Peace Press.

Lederach, J.P. (1997). Reconciliation in divided societies. Washington DC: United State Institute of Peace Press.

Madale&Medina, (2004). The Mindanao Conflict and Prospects for Peace in the Southern Philippines. Retrieved February 10 2008 from http://www.cseas.niu.edu/outreach/MindanaoPeace.pdf.

May, R.J. (September 2002). The moro conflict and the Philippine experience with Muslim autonomy. Retrieved February 17 2008 from http://rspas.anu.edu.au/papers/conflict/may_moro.pdf.

Rochman Achwan, Hari Nugroho and Dody Prayogo with Suprayoga Hadi. (2005). Overcoming Violent Conflicts. Retrieved February 2 2008 from http://www.undp.org/cpr/documents/prevention/integrate/country_app/indonesia/Kalimantan-final%5B1%5D.

Ramsbotham, O., Woodhouse, T., & Miall, H .(2005). Contemporary conflict resolution: The prevention, management and transformation of deadly conflict. New York: Polity.

Timberman, D., G. (November 26, 2001). The peace agreement with Muslim Mindanao isn’t working? (Herald Tribune). Retrieved February 17, 2008 from http://www.iht.com/articles/2001/11/26/eddavid_ed3__0.php.

Vitale, Denise. (2006). Between deliberative and participatory democracy: A contribution on Habermas. Retrieved November 6 2007 from http://psc.sagepub.com.

Quevedo, A.O.B. (2003). Injustice: The root of conflict in Mindanao. Retrieved February 10 2008 from cpn.nd.edu/Injustice%20article.doc.

 

 

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[1] Some cases such in Indonesia a transmigration program has created civil wars and grievance movements to the government in some areas Indonesian main islands. See in Rochman Achwan, Hari Nugroho and Dody Prayogo & Suprayoga Hadi (2005).

[2] As Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman (1966) mentioned that knowledge is a concept of individuals as a community members which this knowledge will define a true or wrong as a reality. In everyday life, this knowledge will be externalized in many behaviors that maintain or change their social structure.

[3] Arendt (1970) explained that power that forces a people can be understood as a strength by which a state can do harm.

[4] Terrence (1……..

[5] In a democratic and non democratic state there is a level of political structure from central to local government. This different level of political institution is aimed to govern state’s policy in each level.

A Discourse of Arms as an Identity: The Structure of Arms Proliferation in World Societies

A Discourse of Arms as an Identity:

The Structure of Arms Proliferation in World Societies

 

Novri Susan

Sociology Department

Airlangga University

 

2008

 

“You cannot simultaneously prevent and prepare war”

Albert Einstein (in Barash and Webel 2003).

 

A Discourse of Arms as an Identity:

The Structure of Arms Proliferation in World Societies

Small arms in our modern society are claimed as a neutral instrument which it does not have any political values and interest. An arm such firearms can be an instrument to kill other people in a robbery or to save people from an animal attack. There is also a common philosophy of gun supporter “guns don’t kill people; people do” in which people is morally justified to have small arms under their pillow. People are the actors who have an interest whereas an arm is only a means to struggle an interest. However considering small arms as a neutral means is a first mistake for controlling arms proliferation itself.

The proposition of arms as a neutral instrument gives a strong legitimacy for some countries in permitting small arms ownership by the people such in USA or any other countries. A personal or collective security issue becomes a discourse in the public spheres for answering some criticisms against their stand. In a simple analysis the proposition of ‘neutral instrument’ and the philosophy of gun have played role as a moral justification in sustaining and proliferating small arms.

The government and some communities, then, create a policy in realizing a legal small arms proliferation and circulation. In this level, a state policy that maintains small arms proliferation and circulation is a political fact in which the term of “neutral instrument” is protected by power of the state. An apprehensive question may occur in this course; is the term of “neutral instrument” a political way of some groups to sustain small arms proliferation and circulation? Then, this question gives another suspicion that a small arm is not neutral originally. Small arm is not only a means of personal or social security but as a political identity which there is strong interest and value behind its existence in the society. Furthermore this discourse brings a plausible fact; small arms as a political identity have created the structure of small arms proliferation and circulation in the world societies.

By relying on the work of social construction theory from Peter L. Beger, this paper is going to understand how a small arm becomes an identity for some societies. Further mission of this paper is to reveal how a small arm as a political identity creates a dominant discourse in a social system and build a structure of arms circulation. This paper’s perspective will be supported by a discourse analysis in which the writer will use information from media, movie, and research report. This paper is not a case study but a discourse in arms proliferation and circulation.

The Objectivation of Small Arms as an Identity

       Small arms are possessed personally and socially by people in each generation in our history. Karl Marx through his materialism history may put an arm as a means of production in the ancient society such in a hunt era thousands years ago. An arrow or spear is used to produce food store by hunting animals in the jungle. However the function of arms is not only as a means of production but as a protection from wild animals. In a different social character of a tribe group, small arms can be useful as a means of aggression to other tribes. This short illustration actually explains that an arm as a product of human’s needs is always meaningful socially. When an arm sprawls on the floor and nobody holds or has it, there is still a value in it. An arm is not neutral anymore since it is a product of people’s intention in producing food, self protecting, or attacking other people. An arm of every generation may has a different meaning behind of its form such a sword in classic society can represent the king existence in front of their people. In turn, an arm is not like a stone on the road but a social product which always sends a meaning to our lebenswelth (life world).[1]

       In our modern society firearms is a dominant social product from a specific community. Historically firearm—musket was found 1500 after Western people got ammunition powder from China. The main purpose of making musket was to provide a lethal weapon to their army during colonialism era. Firearms are the social product of modern colonialism of Western countries. However many identities group have accepted this social product as the part of their identity by putting a special definition and function. Firearms in the hands of Taliban’s members are not only an instrument to attack their enemies but an art of resistance against domination.[2] Gandhi may one different case which shows how an identity defines what arms should be taken to create the art of resistance. For Gandhi and his followers a great means to resist is a compassion or silence itself (ahimsa) without adopting firearms (violence). Firearms are not compatible with their identity since their identity defines a silence as an arm for resisting such colonialism structure.

In this sense, an arm—firearms in our modern society—is always representing an identity. An identity will define a lebenswelth by providing a set of concept that is maintained and transferred socially by each generation of some communities. A set of concept that introduces its members the way of they live. Individuals of a community then will define their social practices by quoting their set of concept. The social practices can not be avoided and denied since their every practice is an objective reality. Such a Japanese people always believe that tea without sugar is a reality whereas Javanese people a glass of tea should be sweet with much sugar. An objective reality here is an acknowledged practice in everyday life which all members maintain it collectively. Under this objective social reality individuals know who they are in social environment.

Berger explained that an objective reality has passed a social history of institutional order in which individuals behave. In order for individual as the members to understand their objective reality a symbolic universe is one important element created in their social history. A symbolic universe is a social ‘material’ of everyday life which has a specific meaning in a social environment by which social structure is sustained. “The symbolic universe is, of course, constructed by means of social objectivations. Yet its meaning-bestowing capacity far exceeds the domain of social life, so that the individual may “locate” himself within it even in his most solitary experiences” (Berger&Luckman, 1966, p. 96). A symbolic universe, then, is always embedded as a social identity which individual identify how to live in their environment as a community’s member. Every society creates identity types that may be different to each other. Berger and Luckman explained that various “identity types are social products tout court, relatively stable elements of objective social reality” (1966, p. 174). A small arm in this social construction theory can be a social identity since it is a symbolic universe for individual and community. Small arms—firearms in our modern society— is created from identity types of the world societies particularly.  Following Western countries dominance in international social system, firearms as a ‘western identity’ has been produced and reproduced under the institutional order of international structure.[3] Ipso facto small arms with any types in this world are an identity institution of Western people in dominating the world social system. To see this proposition, according to Small Arms Survey in 2007 from 875 million firearms circulated 73%-77% of firearms are in civilian hands which US civilian owned-gun is 30-35%, 20-25% firearms are in military and 2.5%-3.5% firearms are used in law enforcement. The illegal small arms in civilian hands which not registered with authorities are up to 79 million. Furthermore as Small Arm Survey testified that from eight million new small firearms produced yearly around the world, approximately 4.5 million are bought by US people (2007, pp.43-4). This statistical report shows us how US people choose a firearm as their identity. CNN reported that in a recent survey “two-thirds of Americans say they believe the Constitution guarantees each person the right to own a gun” (CNN, December 16, 2007).

In Pakistan society there is a tendency of owning firearms. However it shows a different definition in owning firearms. The clash of identity within Pakistani social system such between Sunni and Shi’a community is worsened by the using of firearms. In any social political events such general election or religious festival using of small arms has injured and killed civilians from both communities. However in this general fact of small arms use, there is a trend of firearms preference such Taliban members prefer to use Kalashnikov machine gun. As Ralph Joseph testified in his report that one biggest illegal producer of small arms namely Darra Adam Khel often reproduce, the popular Kalashnikov submachine gun, which became the weapon of choice for Islamic radicalist groups after the power of Taliban in Afghanistan, in 2001 (2008, n.p).

The preference of small arms using in some ways is shaped by a technical reason such flexible or not for the owner. However a preference is also about a symbolic universe of people relates to an ‘object’ since the object will give them a meaning in their social environment. The meanings of Kalashnikov for some identity groups such Taliban may be a resistance symbol against domination of US symbol such M16. A symbolic universe has created a social preference about what arms should be used in their resistance and how to get this object. In this point, an arm is an objective reality.

Legal and Illegal Small Arms are Equally Illicit?

As Barash and Webel testified a paradox of Arms trading policy of USA often occur in some social political issues from some importer countries such as in Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Those states have used legal arms from USA to kill their own people in some conflict areas. Indonesian’ army by using the legal arms have killed thousands people in East Timor during their independent movement (2003, p. 331). In the Philippine army have killed and threatened Moro in people Southern Mindanao during their conflict with MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front) until now (Docena, 2006, n.p.). This fact does not change any policies of USA to export arms to the Philippines or Sri Lanka but exporting arms keep continuing. This arms transaction under some agreement, such Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) in 2002 between Sri Lanka and US (BBC, December 22, 2002), is claimed as a legal which means legitimated weapon. In this sense, then it is not illicit to use arms for killing separatist people in their villages.

At the other spaces of this world arms proliferation and circulation is stated as an illegal and illicit arms. As indicated by Small Arms Survey that 2 million of an estimated 18 million arms in Pakistan is legal. This means 16 million are illegal. Craft production of firearms in Pakistan approximately is 20,000 units per year, centered mainly in Darra in the Northwest Frontier Province. Craft production of small arms is also growing up across the Philippines. In 2002, it is estimated that 3,000 gunsmiths operated in Mindanao City, and around 25,000 people worked on the gun trade for their income. Yet in other places, such as Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, enterprises may be isolated and small-scale (Florquin, 2006, p. 42).

Craft production of small arms in Darra is stated as an illegal producer by national and international system. However the arms from both legal and illegal factually have been used to kill people in a different view. MILF militias in Southern Mindanao used ‘illicit arms’ to struggle their identity since there is no trust to the political system of the Philippines (May, 2003, p. 2). They kidnapped and killed both civilians and military personnel by using their ‘illicit arms’. At the same time, the Philippines army killed both civilian from Moro (Muslim) community and MILF members by using their legal arms. This phenomenon generally is happening in some other countries such as in Pakistan between government and Taliban’s supporters, Indonesia between government and Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Organization of Papua for Independence), and in Thailand between government and Muslim people in southern Thailand.

There is a screen of violence between legal and illegal arms in which all actors create a same condition of violence. One side may claims that they are using the legal arms to protect security as they are interpreting. The legitimacy of using guns is their hand; in the hand of state and a dominant identity. At the same time, actually this claim is acknowledging a brutality of legal arms within social life. In a philosophical criticism; how can one claim be a truth in our lebeswelth when it negates its own truth? If a legal arm proposition is stated as a truth then it creates a same condition with their opponent, illegal arms, it means the truth negates its own truth. In our discourse here, then, there is no different between legal and illegal arms since the two definitions always create a same condition namely a screen of violence.

Ipso facto, in this screen of violence the status of legal and illegal are not clear anymore. In a conventional—formal analysis, illegal and legal definition is aimed to differentiate between trading with using a legal procedure of arm trading. The legal procedure that is acknowledged by international system such Arms Treaty Trade or others international covenants are a social product of dominant identities. The treaty gives a wide space and legal protection for some identities keep producing and reproducing arms.

The problem of arms transaction in arms market such a change of market status from legal to grey, and to black market, may be one of hardest issue in internal law enforcement. However the main concern here is the entity of arms in its presence in the society, the status of legal and illegal depends on in who holds the gun. People can be wrong and unlawful by owning a firearm when state and its institutional order assert it. In the state’s claim, a firearm from black or grey market can be a legal arm when it is used by a security apparatus to secure their country. How if firearms from a legal market are used to approach political issues such in Sri Lanka or the Philippines?

There is a one statement of Oscar Arias Sánchez (1987) Nober Peace Laureate related to the global society constitution of arms:

“Peace is not just a dream; it is hard work, and requires real world, practical efforts to come to fruition…Humanity cannot wait. The poor and forsaken cannot wait. Now more than ever, the ratification of a set of universal rules on arms transfers is essential, if we still dare to hope that the twenty-first century will be more peaceful and just than the previous one.” (cited from http://www.armstradetreaty.com/, n.d.)

This statement appeals a ratification of universal rules on arms transfers. In a simple interpretation, this statement still believes in arms as a universal identity of human being. However this statement uses the words of ‘arms transfer’, we can see that there is a spirit to build a border between ‘states of guns culture’ and ‘states of peace culture’. The main appeal is to prevent ‘states of guns culture’ reproduce arms and send it to many countries around the world.

Conclusion: Transforming Identity of Arms

       This sub title may become a weird in our discussion since our social system still believes in arms as their identity. Gandhi may cry in his heaven now. His thought of silence to create compassion to other people is killed by guns culture of Western people. Not even in India or Sri Lanka, Ahimsa identity is irritated by arms proliferation. What Oscar Arias Sánchez stated above about a set of universal rules in arms transfer some ways can resist the dominant identity in our international social system. However this effort should be started from the foundation of law as an institutional order. As it has been discussed previously, a symbolic universe of society and state relates to arms is the infrastructure of institutional order. Many big companies that reproduce firearms such in US, UK, India, and China basically are supported by social and political associations. Such in USA, the National Riffle Association always support the production of arms through their social campaign and political movement.

       To transform arms as an identity may be an absurdism. However a social transformation can save some parst of this world from the arms identity. Some organization may have started this effort such Control Arms that create a ‘the million faces petition’ as an identity resistance (control-arms, n,d.).

       Arms are not neutral but a social product with many meanings and values. This is the fact that arms circulation around the world have been spread over since arms are not neutral. Firearms as a social product of Western people are an identity; how they define their social environment. The arms identity of Western people then has been planted in the world societies to dominate world societies’ identities. The discourse of illicit arms then is a matter who dominates the social system.

      

Reference

 

Berger, L& Luckmann, T. (1966). A social construction of reality: A treatise about sociology of knowledge. New York: Anchor Books.

BBC. (December 22, 2002). US seeks Sri Lankan military support. Retrieved Marc 23 2008 from  http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/south_asia/2595531.stm

Docena, H. (February 25 2006). When Uncle Sam comes marching in. Retrieved March 23 2008 from  http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/HB25Ae04.html

Florquin, N. (2006). The illicit trade in small arms and light weapons Retrieved March 22 2008 from http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/external_pdf/external_IIAS.pdf.

Joseph, Ralph. (February 5, 2008). Arms makers face closure. Retrieved March 23 2008 from http://washingtontimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080205/FOREIGN/630887051/1003.

May, R.J. (September 2002). The moro conflict and the Philippine experience with Muslim autonomy. Retrieved February 17 2008 from http://rspas.anu.edu.au/papers/conflict/may_moro.pdf.

Smallarms. (n.d.). The Philippines. Retrieved March 24 2008 from http://www.controlarms.org/events/philippines.htm.

Scott, James. (1992) Domination and the art of resistances: A hidden transcript. New Haven London: Yale University Press

Smallarmssurvey. (2007). Completing the Count civilian firearms. Retrieved March 22, 2008 from http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/year_b_pdf/2007/CH2%20Stockpiles.pdf.

 

 

 

 

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[1] See in Berger and Luckman (1966).

[2] See James Scott in Domination and Art of Resistances (1992).

[3] In my view international social system and its structure is not more than the Western and USA domination since it always represents their interest and identity. Liberal democracy, free market, and WTO are Western identity. Firearms as Western identity are produced and circulated, then, reflects this domination. The fact USA and UK are the biggest producers of small arms.

Reflection of the Meaning of Peace and Conflict

Reflection of the Meaning of Peace and Conflict;

 

Interpretation and Implementation of Peace

 

In Indonesia and Nigeria

 

By:

 

Erna Anjarwati

 

September 28^th, 2007

 

Introduction

What is the meaning of Peace and Conflict? Is there any exact meaning to answer those notions? Believe it or not, from the historical up to the contemporary context, both concepts are still debatable. The particular answer is very simple but plausible, because these notions, particularly peace is related to the word “perceived”, an abstract meaning that is very difficult to translate uniformly. Everybody, every group, every organization, every society and even every state has a different understanding of them based on what they have perceived before. Moreover, in order to have a better understanding of those concepts, we also have to take into consideration some background aspects that have created both perspectives, such as culture, religion, mother tongue, national constitution and International Law. All these aspects are related to each other, constructing the meaning of peace and conflict personally, in a group, a larger society and the state. It means that both concepts must be elaborated holistically based on those components which can not be separated from each other.

Peace never goes alone because it is related to the word perceived, it depicts a relationship between peace and conflicts that can be translated as an energetic concept, where is body, mind and soul are all components. In the modernity and transrational context, furthermore, the meaning of Peace and Conflict include the reason, truth and soul as the basic components that can describe comprehensively between reality and spirituality whereby human being also needs for spiritual level in their live as an entity in balancing. Moreover, in this context, the main idea’s to adhere to those components as an entity that can construct the perception of Peace and Conflict is more stressed out on how do their communicate each other to establish peaceful relationship beyond limit of rationality. As human beings, we are challenged by this limitation but answer that by twisting the reduction of rationality into the more holistic rational approach includes the spiritual level.

Therefore, in order to lead better understanding on interpretation of peace and conflict; multiple perspectives and a multicultural background of those interpretations can enrich our insight on its holism. This essay, consequently, is going to elaborate the interpretation of peace and conflict based on several meanings, particularly the differences of them on mother tongue as gathered by the sharing and brainstorming of the International Peace Studies students in group C during the round table discussions. In this particular essay, I would like to put my perspective on the one and only interpretation of peace and conflict based on a Nigeria mother tongue and constitution compared to Indonesian. It chosen due to similarities between both countries that have faced colonialization, and both countries have been facing many cases of ethnic conflicts that can turn into cleavages of national unity.

The Meaning of Peace and Conflict

Based on Nigeria and Indonesia’s Mother Tongue

Salama and Damai, are two notions of Peace translated into Nigerian and Indonesian mother tongues. For African societies, Salama has a meaning as harmony, stability and calmness. It is grabbed of Arabic root, which is Salam, and has a similar meaning. Salama is created to unite more than 400 ethnic groups which are spread out in Africa. Contradictory of Salama, Nigerian societies have Kikici and Tarzoma to express a perception of conflict. In this context, Kikici can be translated as trouble, whereas Tarzoma is similar to riot or chaos. Both of these notions depict class conflict and civil war in Nigerian. Therefore both of these words describe a conflict on the largest level of Nigerian society. Furthermore, the mother tongue of Nigerian also mentions Rashin Jituwa and Tashin Haakali to further describe disharmony and tension in African Culture. These notions seem to describe latent conflicts that emerge in the smaller scope of the society, such as inter-group or inter-personal conflicts. Such conflict can trigger a high tension and even civil war, particularly if the conflict is invoking ethnic groups as the primarily parties.

Undoubtedly, ethnic conflicts are the one of the largest threats to national unity. This is not limited to Nigeria but exists also in Indonesia, a country that has more less 400 ethnic groups who live all over Indonesia with different mother tongues, cultures, customs, values and norms. Definitely, according to the Bahasa Indonesia as a mother tongue, the meaning of peace is similar to damai, which can be translated as the absence of war, or in the simple meaning is joyful. This word is not the one and only that can depict the meaning of peace in Bahasa, also we can use tenteram which has a similar meaning to damai. Both of these notions are usually used to describe the harmonization and stability of society, in which there is no physical violence or war at all. Moreover, it can depict a situation or condition when basic need of the society can be fulfilled by the government or local authority in the district and every people can respect on each other. On the contrary, Bahasa Indonesia also mentions about Huru-Hara and Kekerasan which can be translated as conflict. In this context, Huru-Hara tends to be interpreted to the larger conflict in society or even intra states. This conflict is always invoked a lot of people to struggle or fight to each other in achieving their interests. It also describes armed conflict in Indonesia during the New Order regime from 1965 to 1998 to show their powerness in order to oppress the contra parties. Additionally, Kekerasan in Bahasa Indonesia interprets the smaller level of violence, such as inter-personal, domestic violence, and inter or intra small groups’ conflict.

Similarities of Peace Interpretation

In Indonesia and Nigeria

For some reasons, Damai and Tenteram, sometimes are not enough to consider unity as the most important point that must become priority on behalf of unity in diversity in Indonesia. Conflict itself in Indonesia is always referred to the term SARA (Suku, Agama, Ras, dan Antar Golongan) or we can say it as Ethnic, Religion, Race and Inter Group. It describes conflicts that have occurred in Indonesia are more less colored by those issues. Therefore, in order to reduce such conflicts, Indonesian government uses the concept of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika or in English means Unity in Diversity as the way to unite Indonesian people to live in harmony, respect on differences, and cooperate together to develop Indonesia, in both improving human being quality and building superstructure. Basically, the concept of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika tends to be rooted on social and cultural values of Indonesian society. The concept itself took from Sanskrit which is already existed in the era of Majapahit Kingdom. They have created this concept to unite all over Indonesia because they were recognized that many differences in Indonesian’s social and cultural context will trigger social conflicts in the near future that can affect to their authority and power as the biggest kingdom in Indonesia before century. The concept was completely succeeded to prevent ethnic conflicts in Indonesia, particularly on the era of Majapahit kingdom.

Furthermore, this concept is maintained as national identity, once Indonesia became independent from the Dutch in 1945. It is even established as Indonesian national constitution which called Pancasila or five fundamental Principles of Indonesian people to guide their live in society, composed of belief in one God, Humanity, National Unity, Consultative Democracy, and Social Justice. Consequently, there are only five main religion that recognized by Indonesian government, composed of Islam, Christian, Catholic, Hindu and Buddha. Therefore, many Indonesian traditional religions that have been belief by many ethnic Indigenous are not recognized at all in the constitution. Furthermore, Pancasila which has created by the former President Soekarno became basic reference to create the constitution of Republic of Indonesia in 1945 in which some articles in the constitution are not more than detail elaboration of Pancasila.

As similar as Indonesia, Nigeria also has such concept to unite Nigerian people which are mentioned in their national constitution in both 1967 and 1999 as Peace and Unity. It is created in 1960, once Nigeria became independent from British by Nigerian official government which aimed to remain as one state. It is also implemented to create harmony and prevent ethno religious conflicts in Nigeria since they have about 400 different ethnic groups and two main official religions, composed of Islam and Christian. Moreover, Nigeria has also African traditional religion as ethnic groups’ belief which tends to be closed to animism and dynamism. However, same as situation in Indonesia, this religion is not recognized by Nigerian government and further there is no official recognition in Nigerian constitution that mention about this issue. Additionally, Nigeria does not has a native official language as national identity that can unite all Nigerian people, because their official language is English adapted from British colonial.

Those discrimination issues have led Nigeria to the long period of ethnic and ethnic religious conflicts, either as manifest or latent conflicts which threat Nigeria’s security as a state. As it is in Indonesia, ethnic and ethnic religious conflicts become threaten of peace, unity and diversity in Indonesia since many ethnic groups, particularly indigenous people who declared to be separated from Indonesia due to their disappointed to the Indonesian government that ignored and unrecognized their native land, cultures and languages as a part of Indonesian diversity. Presently, the queries are how does those concepts effective to prevent or at least to reduce the ethnic and ethnic religious conflicts in Nigeria and Indonesia in the contemporary context? Or on the contrary, are those concepts being used to preserve status quo of current government?

Implementation of Peace Interpretation

In Indonesia and Nigeria

As a concept to prevent conflict, both Bhinneka Tunggal Ika and Peace and Unity sound convincingly to maintain a country in unity, harmony and peaceful in the social as well as cultural interaction of society and far away from conflicts, violence or even war. Nevertheless, it seems really hard to implement it in a country that has diversity in cultural, language, ethnic and religion, such as Indonesia and Nigeria. For many reasons, those concept often used as a tool of propaganda by the current government to preserve their status quo as well as interests on behalf of nation and state.

In Indonesia for instance, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika has used by Soeharto’s regime as a tool to protect his status quo for more over 32 years. During his period, he cooperated with many foreign private companies to explore abundant natural resources, such as mining, gold, copper and etc on the ancestral domain of the Indigenous people who spread out all over Indonesia under the cloak of welfare distribution for Indonesian people. However, in fact, the benefit went to his family and allies. These grievances from ethnic groups, particularly indigenous people were latent conflict during Soeharto’s regime but once he fallen down from his position as a president in 1998, many ethnic conflicts erupted uncontrolled.

The same situation is also occurred in the contemporary context in Nigeria, in which ethnic and ethnic religious conflicts are constantly erupted in Nigeria due to two main contradictions. Primarily, is related to identity of the ethnic groups when each group wants to maintain their identity exclusively and be separated from each other. Secondly, is regarding access to the abundant economic power which carried out by the government. Both of these reasons are the current prime obstacles to prevent conflict and create peace in Nigeria although both reasons are completely opposite to Nigerian national Constitution in 1976. Definitely, this constitution is written mention about national character was to take care ethnic diversity and ensure political position and shared by all the ethnic groups. In addition, national character makes a mandatory of requirements for the representation all of ethnic groups in both civil service and political position. However, in fact, that is completely opposite and hard to implement throughout vested interests of ethnic groups and Nigerian government.

Conclusion

Many people interpret that peace and conflict are attached each other and can not be separated. On the other side, other people believe that peace is completely separated to the perception of conflict. A lot of perception and interpretation of the meaning of peace and conflict are still debatable currently. Direct or indirect, those meanings have been constructing the way people think and perceive them. Both are constructed by many different cultures, religions, customs, languages, etc that consequently produce a different point of view of individual, groups, organization, and even state.

For many reasons, particularly in the contemporary context, both concepts are often misused by the government as a tool to spread out the propaganda in order to preserve their status quo. Therefore, conflict are still being a dilemma in the current society that can trigger violence and war in the near future, particularly for the country which has diversity in their cultural, social, religions, languages, races, ethnics and etc. In this particular reason, government must be proactive to create peace that based on appreciation of the differences and build up the concept unity in diversity by implementing it carefully and appropriately in the society without any hidden interests.